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Affirmative action began in the 1960s as attempts by Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson to assist minorities in realizing equal employment opportunities. Local and state governments later joined in that effort, as did private businesses. Still later, the federal government added affirmative action requirements to federal funding for educational institutions. Today, affirmative action has become one of the most controversial issues in the United States. The issue emphasizes the tension between individual and group rights as well as a clash between conflicting American values. Americans tend to believe that fairness involves treating everyone the same and that, conversely, we should do everything possible to overcome past discrimination and provide equal opportunities. Proponents of affirmative action claim that affirmative action is the best means of defeating the inequality produced by historical discrimination. This inequality, advocates claim, is not a manifestation of a <\#210>conscious bigotry<\#211> but a situation that will occur regardless of good-faith efforts to eliminate bias from employment and education practices because of deep-seated and largely unconscious biases and stereotypes (Bernhardt 1993, 24). Proponents further argue that affirmative action has accomplished its goals, but that reducing its application will result in a new onslaught of discrimination. In contrast, opponents view affirmative action as divisive and injurious to individual rights and assert that it impinges on individual freedoms (Bernhardt 1993, 34). They contend <\#210>either that it has worked so well it is no longer needed or that it has failed to work, it is ill-conceived, and has served only to worsen racial divisions in society<\#211> (Schuldinger 1996, 133). Manning Marable, author and director of the Institute for Research in African-American Studies at Columbia University, is among those who believe that <\#210>a higher ideal<\#211> is at stake. According to Marable, we should strive for nothing less than <\#210>the ultimate elimination of race and gender inequality, the uprooting of prejudice and discrimination, and the realization of a truly democratic nation<\#211> (Guernsey 1997, 25). Do Americans support this goal? Public opinion polls reveal conflicting results about the issue. Yet, in gen` <\#255><\#255> ` <\#255><\#255>`~along racial lines, the results were more instructive. A 1995 Newsweek poll suggests that whites oppose racial preferences in employment or college admissions by a margin of 74 percent to 14 percent; minorities supported these policies by a 50 to 46 percen<\#255><\#255>` <\#255><\#255>` <\#255><\#255>W `<\#255><\#255><\#255>ps<\#211> or <\#210>quotas,<\#211> the respondents tend to reject the policy. Similarly, public opinion often depends on which groups the affirmative action programs help. Some people believe that these programs should only compensate African Americans to redress them for slavery, oppression, and discrimination. According to many others, however, affirmative action should also benefit other groups that have historically been and continue to be discriminated against, including women and racial minorities or even white Americans of limited means. Supporters of affirmative action argue that the idea of <\#210>merit<\#211> in employment, contracting, and hiring is elusive, pointing to companies run by family relations and colleges where students are given preferences if their parents or siblings attended the institution. In addition, many colleges have traditionally limited the number of students from certain geographic locations in the name of increasing diversity. A few students may have grumbled about these policies, but they have not led to the controversy raised by affirmative action programs. Why? Perhaps because these traditional policies have not been as openly known or debated. Yet experts point to another issue: the affirmative action issue involves race. Because of our history on race relations in the United States, any discussion about affirmative action can raise a welter of emotions: guilt, anger, grief, sadness, and pain. What Is Affirmative Action? Even the supporters of affirmative action disagree about this question since the reality is that there is a spectrum of affirmative action solutions, depending upon which specific program is being debated. There seems to be little disagreement that when it was originally envisioned, the program entailed casting a wider net<\#209>making sure that potential students, employees, and government contractors from minority backgrounds were made aware of and considered for positions. Various government agencies, legal battles, and in some cases the organizations themselves moved from this version of affirmative action to different versions of goals, timetables, and quotas. President Bill Clinton in a 1995 speech on the subject recommended mending, not ending, affirmative action. His high-level government commission on the subject agreed, although their proposal received little popular support or notice. Other supporters, such as law professor Lani Guinier, argue that the policy should go further, that affirmative action should be used as an opportunity for all organizations to look at the whole question of merit, testing, selection, and promotion to determine if current methods will provide the best mix of people for the job or school. She questions whether the traditional methods of tests, subjective performance criteria, and nepotism have ever done this. Guinier, for example, suggests that both workplaces and schools should move to what she calls <\#210>performance-based selection.<\#211> This would require them to rely on long interviews and/or probationary periods that are meant to set up real workplace situation<\#164><\#160><\#138><\#200><\#199><\#128><\#199><\#128> <\#241><\#176>]<\#157><\#199><\#128>text$D<\#153><\#153><\#199>P<\#160><\#199><\#176><\#140>*<\#221><\#221><\#199> P@cicn(  <\#160><\#176><\#232> Xwspc$text(RefsDDs or simulations. For example, if someone is being considered for a promotion at work, Guinier suggests the employer should have him or her actually work at the position for some period of time before the decision is made. This would reduce reliance on standardized tests as well as the more subtle forms of prejudice, which, in most cases, <\#210>do not enable institutions to identify the most successful applicants. This approach would instead focus decision makers<\#213> attention on creating scenarios and contexts necessary to make informed judgments about performance. This would improve the capacity of institutions to find people who are creative, adaptive, reliable, and committed, rather than just good at test taking<\#211> (Guinier and Sturm 1996, 974). Guinier suggests that aside from holding a lottery each time someone is to be hired or promoted, this is the only way our <\#210>testocracy<\#211><\#209>a system that emphasizes test scores<\#209>can be eliminated. She argues that the emphasis on test scores favors students who have enjoyed expens <\#255><\#255> ` <\#255><\#255>` <\#9><\#255><\#255>` <\#255><\#255>` <\#255><\#255>` <\#255><\#255> ` <\#255><\#255>` <\#148>rical vacuum. The controversy is best understood as an outgrowth and continuation of our national effort to remedy discrimination against racial and ethnic minorities and against women. Although some affirmative action efforts began before the great burst <\#255><\#255>` <\#255><\#255>` <\#255><\#255> `<\#166>can Americans came to the United States as slaves, not everyone is aware that as late as 1857, the U.S. Supreme Court declared that no black person could claim United States citizenship. Even when the Civil War ended slavery, the government still held African Americans in a different status, finding, for instance, in the Supreme Court decision Plessy v. Ferguson, that there could be <\#210>separate but equal<\#211> facilities for blacks and whites and implicitly sanctioning continued segregation in schools, transportation, the armed services, and public accommodations. Similarly, all women were denied the right to vote until 1920. For much of the twentieth century, racial and ethnic minorities and women have faced legal and social exclusion. African Americans and Hispanic Americans were segregated into low-wage jobs, usually agricultural. In the early part of this century, Asian Americans were forbidden by law from owning land, while working fields to which they couldn<\#213>t hold title. In many states, women were barred by law from entering occupations in mining, fire fighting, bartending, law, and medicine. African Americans and women began to make progress in employment opportunities during the labor shortages of World War II and immediately afterward. Yet racial separation in employment continued, and African Americans were still segregated into low-wage jobs into the 1960s. For Hispanic Americans, employment opportunity remained seriously restricted into the 1970s. Whole industries were, in effect, all white, all male; women and minorities were forbidden to even apply. In grocery and department stores, clerks were white, and janitors and elevator operators were black. Generations of African Americans swept the floors in factories while being denied the opportunity to become higher-paid machine operators. In businesses such as the canning industry, Asian Americans were not only precluded from becoming managers but were housed in physically segregated living quarters. Stereotypical assumptions that women would be only part-time or temporary workers resulted in their exclusion from many job opportunities. Newspapers<\#213> job listings were segregated by gender. Women also faced sexual harassment at work and lost their jobs if they married or became pregnant. Even college-educated African Americans worked as bellboys, porters, and domestics unless they could manage to get a scarce teaching position in an all-black school. In higher education, most African Americans attended predominately black colleges, many established by states as se FMOpen<\#240><\#253><\#234><\#255> S_<\#225><\#238><\#244><\#253><\#255><\#165><\#177><\#255><\#244><\#253><\#255><\#9><\#244><\#253><\#255> <\#165><\#177><\#255> <\#165><\#177><\#225><\#238><\#255><\#225><\#238><\#255><\#244><\#255><\#241><\#248><\#249><\#255> S_<\#165><\#188><\#255><\#225><\#238><\#241><\#248><\#249><\#255> Q_<\#162><\#188><\#222><\#239><\#240><\#234><\#255><\#255>D<\#180><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255> <\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255> <\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255> <\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255> <\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255> <\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#132><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255> <\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255> <\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>gregated institutions. Most black colleges concentrated on teacher training to the exclusion of professional education. Students who were interested in business were offered courses in business education rather than business administration. A few black stuMezzotint,<\#128>9<\#206><\#128>9<\#206>P9<\#206>\<\#255><\#255>9<\#205>L<\#170>U<\#170>U<\#170>U<\#170>U<\#236>HH9<\#205><\#236>o<\#176><\#128><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#228><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#128><\#240>Ht#<<\#128><\#192><\#224><\#240><\#248><\#240><\#224><\#192><\#128>dents attended predominately white institutions; by 1954, about 1 percent of first-year students at white colleges and universities were black. Asian Americans and Hispanic Americans were legally barred from attending some public schools, and women were systematically excluded from some private and state-funded colleges, universities, and professional schools well into the 1970s. The Civil Rights Movement Blacks continued to be sent to separate schools, typically with less funding and substandard facilities, until the 1954 U.S. Supreme Court decision Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas. Even though that decision would theoretically apply to other forms of government services, it wasn<\#213>t until 1955<\#209>when Rosa Parks, a courageous black woman tired from a long day<\#213>s work, defied the Montgomery Alabama law requiring segregation on city buses and refused to give up her seat to make room for a white man<\#209>that the country began to struggle with the real issues behind the laws. That one act served as a springb <\#255><\#255>` <\#255><\#255>` <\#173>protests throughout the southern states and beyond. For example, James Meredith, who four years earlier had been accompanied by federal marshals when he enrolled as the first black student at the University of Mississippi, set out on a 220-mile <\#210>March against Fear.<\#211> He was shot along the way and recovered in a Memphis hospital while hundreds joined his walk. Stokely Carmichael, the chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), first introduced the nation to the slogan <\#210>Black Power.<\#211> He told his largely black audience that they couldn<\#213>t count on whites for support but must do it on their own. As the country continued to erupt in protests and demonstrations, often met with violence by racist southern police officers and others during the early 1960s, Congress finally responded in 1964 and passed the Civil Rights Act. In 1965, Congress passed the Voting Rights Act, which gave blacks their first meaningful access to the ballot in southern states. That same year, President Johnson delivered a historic speech on civil rights at Howard University, called the <\#210>black Harvard,<\#211> declaring: <\#210>Freedom is not enough. You do not take a person who, for years, has been hobbled by chains and liberate him, bring him to the starting line of a race, and then say, <\#212>You are free to compete with all others<\#213> and still justly believe you have been completely fair<\#211> (Lawrence and Matsuda, 1997, p. 132). The speech presented Johnson<\#213>s view that equalizing the <\#210>playing field<\#211> isn<\#213>t enough; special help is also needed. Mor<\#255><\#255>` <\#255><\#255> ` <\#255><\#255>`<\#180>r Housing Act in 1968 as an effort to end discrimination in housing. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Chicano (Americans of Mexican descent) activists, inspired by the slogans of black power, studied Chicano history and constructed a politics demanding voices and places for Mexican Americans in venues of power, as well as pressuring for larger enrollments in colleges, curricular changes, voter registration drives, and so on. In 1969, nearly 600 American Indians, representing more than 50 tribes, took up their own cause in the civil rights renaissance. The Native Americans occupied Alcatraz Island in San Francisco Bay and issued a Proclamation to the Great White Father and All His People. They reclaimed the island as a symbol of their claim to all the lands taken from them and set out a plan to develop on it several Indian institutions, including a center for Native American studies, an American Indian spiritual center, an Indian center of ecology, a great Indian training school, and an American Indian museum. During the 1970s, young Japanese Americans in California started to organize to demand redress for the losses experienced by their parents when they were interned in concentration camps during World War II. They helped organize a movement to insist that the nation apologize and pay reparations. Similarly, during the 1970s, advocates of women<\#213>s rights sought passage of the Equal Rights Amendment and repeal of anti-abortion laws, started to raise the issue of sexual harassment in the workplace and schools, <\#255><\#255> ` <\#255><\#255> ` <\#9><\#193> and by war industries was issued by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1942. The action was taken to forestall a planned march on Washington, D.C., organized by A. Philip Randolph, the president of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters. Roosevelt<\#213>s order barred discrimination against blacks by defense contractors and established the first Fair Employment Practices Committee. Federal compliance programs, however, were routinely understaffed, underfunded, and lacking enforcement authority. After World War II, gains that had been made by women and blacks receded as returning GIs reclaimed their jobs. By 1960, the 10 million workers on the payrolls of the 100 largest defense contractors included few blacks. The $7.5 billion in federal grants-in-aid to the states and cities for highway, airport, school, and public housing construction went almost exclusively to whites. The U.S. Employment Service, which provided funds for state-operated employment bureaus, encouraged skilled blacks to register for unskilled jobs, accepted requests only from white employers, and made no efforts to get employers to accept African American workers. President Dwight D. Eisenhower<\#213>s Committee on Government Contracts, chaired by Vice-President Richard M. Nixon in 1959, blamed the <\#210>indifference of employers to establishing a positive policy of nondiscrimination,<\#211> stated that such indifference was more prevalent than overt discrimination, and called for remedial steps. In response to the growing civil rights movement, President Kennedy in 1961 created the Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity and issued Executive Order 10925, which used the term <\#210>affirmative action<\#211> to refer to measures designed to achieve nondiscrimination. Soon after his Howard University speech in 1965, President Johnson issued Executive Order 11246, aimed at requiring firms conducting business with the federal government to take affirmative action to attain equal employment opportunity. Firms across the country were to set <\#210>good faith goals and timetables<\#211> for employing <\#210>underutilized<\#211> minority group members available and qualified for hire. Federal contractors were to take affirmative action to ensure equality of employment opportunity without regard to race, religion, and national origin. In 1968, gender was added to the protected categories. During the Johnson administration, the Department of Labor started to make the race of its employees a part of personnel records so that it could begin to evaluate hiring practices, opened the Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs (OFCCP), and strengthened its affirmative action requirements. Recipients of government contracts in excess of $1 million were required, for the first time, to formulate and present a <\#210>written affirmative action compliance program<\#211> that would <\#210>provide in detail for specific steps to guarantee equal employment opportunity keyed to the problems and needs of minority groups, including, when there are deficiencies, the development of specific goals and timetables.<\#211> The OFCC began with construction<\#255><\#255>`<\#255><\#255> ` <\#255><\#255>D<\#255><\#255>$<\#176><\#172>`<\#171><\#216> ontinued the effort. Local governments and private business enthusiastically followed the federal government<\#213>s lead. For example, in 1967, the City of New York, the Roman Catholic Church in Michigan, and the Texas-based retailer Neiman Marcus announced plans requiring their suppliers and contractors to take affirmative steps toward hiring African Americans. In 1969, President Nixon appointed George Shultz as Secretary of Labor, and together they pushed through the first official government affirmative action program<\#209>the Philadelphia Plan. Shultz made demands on the segregated Philadelphia construction industry and required more minority hiring and even the setting of percentages or goals. In issuing the so-called Philadelphia Order, Assistant Secretary of Laeral, since the 1970s, opinion surveys have shown increasing hostility toward affirmative action (Eastland 1997, 2). In 1995, A WalStreet Journal/NBC News poll found that two out of three Americans opposed affirmative action. But when the polls were dividen practices, including the granting of referral priorities to union members and to persons who have work experience under union contract, which result in few Negroes being referred for employment. We find, therefore, that special measures are required to pl Street Journal/NBC News poll found that two out of three Americans opposed affirmative action. But when the polls were divided #<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>V <\#253><\#142>'$<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>s <\#254><\#142>'&<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#144>!<\#142>uire such [affirmative] action by law, was both necessary and right. We would not impose quotas, but would require federal contractors to show <\#212>affirmative action<\#213> to meet the goals of increasing minority employment<\#211> (Lawrence and Matsuda 1997, 67). Order No. 4 in 1970 extended the plan to nonconstruction federal contractors. Fair Employment: Enforcement of Title VII In July 1963, in the midst of the civil rights campaign in Birmingham, Alabama, President Kennedy appeared on national television to propose a civil rights bill. The measure proposed outlawing discrimination in public accommodations, permitting a cut-off of federal funds to discriminating institutions, and expanding the equal employment opportunity committee he had established. Following Kennedy<\#213>s assassination, Title VII was enacted as part of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, seeking to end discrimination by large private employers whether or not they had government contracts. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), established by the Civil Rights Act, was charged with enforcing the antidiscrimination laws through prevention of employment discrimination and the resolution of complaints. The act was designed to compensate employees for lost wages and other employment benefits because of illegal discrimination and to encourage employers to end discrimination. Title VII was substantially strengthened in the 1972 amendments signed by President Nixon. As Supreme Court holdings concluded, the legislative history to the 1972 amendments made clear that Congress approved of race- and gender-conscious remedies that had been developed by the courts in enforcing the 1964 act. Civil rights activists claimed that these judicial and legislative victories were not enough to overcome long-entrenched discrimination. They cited several reasons: first, these measures frequently focused only on issues of formal rights (such as the right to vote) that were particularly susceptible to judicial or statutory resolution. In addition, formal litigation-related strategies were inevitably resource-intensive and often dependent upon clear <\#210>smoking gun<\#211> evidence of overt bias or bigotry, whereas prejudice can take on myriad subtle, yet effective, forms. Both private and public institutions often seemed impervious to the winds of change, remaining all white or all male long after court decisions or statutes formally ended discrimination. As a result, in the 1970s, both the courts and Republican and Democratic administrations as well as some private businesses turned to raceC<\#182>C<\#182><\#155>c<\#255>  <\#155>c<\#152><\#128>d<\#155>cBB,<\#195><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#254><\#254><\#254><\#254><\#254><\#254><\#253><\#253><\#253><\#253><\#253><\#253><\#252><\#252><\#252><\#252><\#252><\#252><\#251><\#251><\#251><\#251><\#251><\#251><\#250><\#250><\#250><\#250><\#250><\#250><\#249><\#249><\#249><\#249><\#249><\#249><\#248><\#248><\#248><\#248><\#248><\#248><\#247><\#247><\#247><\#247><\#247><\#247><\#9><\#246><\#246><\#246><\#246><\#246><\#246> <\#245><\#245><\#245><\#245><\#245><\#245> <\#244><\#244><\#244><\#244><\#244><\#244> <\#243><\#243><\#243><\#243><\#243><\#243> <\#242><\#242><\#242><\#242><\#242><\#242><\#241><\#241><\#241><\#241><\#241><\#241><\#240><\#240><\#240><\#240><\#240><\#240><\#239><\#239><\#239><\#239><\#239><\#239><\#253>t margin (Guernsey 1997, 27). However, how the questions in the polls are worded makes a difference in the results. If the pollsters use the term <\#210>affirmative action,<\#211> larger percentages support the policy. But if other terms are used, such as <\#210>preferenceestory of the patrol there has never been a black trooper.<\#211> The order included detailed, nonnumerical provisions for assuring an end to discrimination, such as stringent controls on the civil service certification procedure and an extensive program of recruitment of minority job applicants. Eighteen months later, not a single black had been hired as a state trooper or into a civilian position connected with the troopers. The district court then entered a further order requiring the hiring of one qualified black trooper or support person applicant for each white hired until 25 percent of the force was black. By the time the case reached the Court of Appeals in 1974, 25 black troopers and 80 black support personnel had been hired. The U.S. Supreme Court ultimative and privileged educations and other advantages. <\#210>Conventional selection methods fail because they give preferences to people based on socioeconomic positions, and allocate positions in ways that do not reflect functional capacity<\#211> (Guinier 1996, 1035). A Historical Perspective: The Roots of Affirmative Action Understanding the roots of affirmative action in the United States may help readers clarify their own thoughts about the debate. The current debate over affirmative action doesn<\#213>t occur in a histoely affirmed the orders. <\#165> In 1979, women represented only 4 percent of the entry-level officers in the San Francisco police department. By 1985, under an affirmative action plan ordered in a case in which the Department of Justice sued the city for discrt nonwhite workers in recruitment, training, and admission to the union. The court found that the union had (1) adopted discriminatory admission criteria, (2) restricted the size of its membership to deny access to minorities, (3) selectively organized shops with few minority workers, and (4) discriminated in favor of white applicants seeking to transfer from sister locals. The court found that the record was replete with instances of bad-faith efforts to prevent or delay the admission of minorities. The coimination, the number of women in the entry class had risen to 175, or 14.5 percent. <\#165> Similarly, a federal district court review of the San Francisco Fire Department in 1987 led to a consent decree that increased the number of blacks in officer positions Gramercy, Louisiana, plant. Because blacks traditionally had been excluded from the craft unions, only 5 of 273 skilled craft workers at the plant were black. In response, Kaiser, together with the union, established its own training program to fill craft from 7 to 31, Hispanics from 12 to 55, and Asians from 0 to 10; women were admitted as firefighters for the first time. <\#165> In 1975, a federal district court found that Local 28 of the Sheet Metal Workers<\#213> International Association had discriminated agains3, the Nixon administration<\#213>s Department of Justice, Department of Labor, Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, and Civil Service Commission issued a joint memorandum titled <\#210>State and Local Employment Practices Guide.<\#211> The guide points out that <\#210>the Niof civil rights statutes in the 1960s, affirmative action efforts didn<\#213>t really begin until it became clear that antidiscrimination statutes alone wouldn<\#213>t dislodge long-standing patterns of discrimination. For example, although most students study how Afrut that goals and timetables are entirely different and reasonable tools. (Attorney General John Mitchell led the legal defense of the distinction between goals and quotas.) In July 1986, Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O<\#213>Connor referred to this document, and the merits of fair and effective affirmative action goals, in the concurring portion of her opinion in Local 28, Sheet Metal Workers v. EEOC. In doing so, she joined the Court majority<\#213>s support for numerical guidelines in affirmative action programs.i<\#164><\#184>Z<\#230><\#196><\#229><\#144><\#196><\#233><\#144>p]H?N<\#186>5<\#192>=@<\#255><\#222>Hn<\#196><\#229><\#144>/.<\#255><\#252>/ ?<X<\#169><\#231>T<\#143>T<\#139>RG<\#184>Gn<\#255>PJg l> h<\#160>*` l> h"<\#160>* L<\#223> <\#248>N^NuNV<\#255><\#246>H<\#231>0.. G P0(L<\#229>HH<\#192>\<\#128><\#161>"$H fp`f&RB[6<\#238> G P6<\#232>LBn<\#255><\#254>Bn<\#255><\#252>`<=|<\#255><\#246>Hn<\#255><\#248>Hn<\#255><\#246>/.<\#255><\#252>/?<8<\#169><\#231>p.<\#255><\#248><\#225>Hr.<\#255><\#249><\#208>A6<\#192>?.<\#255><\#250>N<\#186>4<\#218>6<\#192>T<\#143>Rn<\#255><\#252> G P0.<\#255><\#252><\#176>hLm<\#182> L<\#223> <\#128>N^ review of affirmative action has occurred in the employment area. Affirmative Action in Education Discrimination in education was the target of the original breakthrough civil rights cases. Indeed, because education is the gateway to opportunity, education has consistently been a central focus of civil rights efforts. But for nearly two decades following the original court decisions, educational institutions<\#209>particularly colleges and graduate schools<\#209>remained predominately white and male. In 1955, only 4.9 percent of college students ages 18<\#208>24 were black. This figure rose to 6.5 percent during the next five years but by 1965 had slumped back to 4.9 percent. Only in the wake of affirmative action measures in the late 1960s and early 1970s did the percentage of black college students begin to climb steadily: in 1970, 7.8 percent of college students were black; in 1980, 9.1 percent; and in 1990, 11.3 percent. In 1967, the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare began requiring colleges and universities reoard to the civil rights movement of the 1960s, which included a series of nonviolent sit-ins at segregated restaurants, the <\#210>Freedom Riders,<\#211> a group of black and white activists who demonstrated against segregated bus lines, and numerous other marches anedom Riders,<\#211> a group of black and white activists who demonstrated against segregated bus lines, and numerous other marches and # l>J<\#168>g l> h<\#160># l>J<\#168>g l>/(/("ln"i<\#232>N<\#145>P<\#143> l>)h,<\#214><\#160>)l<\#214>>J<\#172>>f<\#255>t`<\#174>B'<Hn<\#255><\#224>/,<\#134>?<<<\#169><\#231>p??</,z ln h<\#212>ameters of educational affirmative action. The University of California at Davis Medical School had reserved 16 available places for qualified minorities. In a splintered decision with Justice Lewis Powell casting the deciding vote, the Supreme Court essene urban uprisings occurred and escalated in 1968, when Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.<\#209>the leading inspiration for the nonviolent civil rights movement<\#209>was assassinated in Memphis, Tennessee. Partly as a response to King<\#213>s death, Congress finally passed the Falling goal in the educational context in Justice Powell<\#213>s controlling opinion. Increased educational opportunity has, in fact, revolutionized education, although some gaps persist. Although the enrollment of women in higher education has risen steadily, with women now earning nearly 50 percent of all bachelor<\#213>s and master<\#213>s degrees, they earn only one-third of doctorate and first professional degrees and continue to lag in math, engineering, and the physical sciences at both the undergraduate and the doctoral levels. Through the availability of student aid programs and aggressive recruitment and retention programs, the college-bound rate for blacks and whites who graduated from high school was about equal by 1977. Since 1977, however, the proportion of black high school graduates age 18 to 24 enrolled in college has not kept pace with that of white students. Although the percentage of black students who have graduated from high school has increased approximately 20 percent in the past 25 years, the portion of black high school student graduates attending college is now 25 percent less than that of white students. The story is similar for the Hispanic enrollment rate. In 1976, the college-going rate for Hispanics age 16 to 24 who had recently graduated from high school (53 percent) actually exceeded the white rate (29 percent). Since then, the Hispanic college enrollment rate has stagnated while the white rate has increased significantly. By 1994 the white college enrollment rate had risen to 64 percent, whereasi<\#164><\#184>Z{<\#198><\#226>`<\#199><\#151><\#128> j<\#128>]HL<\#223> <\#248>N^NuNV<\#255><\#224><\#198><\#226>`~G<\#238><\#255><\#224>E<\#238><\#255><\#240>`&? n/N<\#186><\#252><\#130>$<\#128>><\#135> n /N<\#186><\#252>t&<\#128>O<\#239> RGX<\#139>X<\#138> Gm<\#212>~G<\#238><\#255><\#224>E<\#238><\#255><\#240>`(J<\#146>fJ<\#147>gJ<\#146>gJ<\#147>g//N<\#186><\#254><\#180>JP<\#143>fp`RGX<\#139>X<\#138> Gm<\#210>pL<\#223> <\#128>N^NuNVH<\#231>0B'<\#169><\#155>B<\#167>/<\#160>&_ g B<\#167>/ N<\#186><\#173><\#246>J<\#159>fz`z<<\#169><\#155>B<\#167>/<\#160>&_Bg/ <\#169><\#166>x <\#200>_JDlifornia governor, Reagan promised to end affirmative action if he was elected. <\#210>We must not allow,<\#211> Reagan declared, <\#210>the noble concept of equal opportunity to be distorted into federal guidelines or quotas which require race, ethnicity, or sex<\#209>rather than ability and qualifications<\#209>to be the principal factor in hiring or education<\#211> (Bowen and Bok, 1998, p. 124). As president, Reagan appointed Supreme Court justices who opposed affirmative action. He also cut the budgets of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission and the Office of Federal Contract Compliance, limiting their ability to pursue affirmative action and discrimination cases. Many experts now claim that the Reagan administration, in effect, killed the federal policy of affirmative action. Conversely, by the mid-1980s, so many companies had found affirmative action <\#210>good for business<\#211> that the National Association of Manufacturers adopted a policy statement supporting affirmative action as <\#210>good business policy,<\#211> and some companies filed amicus briefs and sent telegrams to the White House opposing the Reagan administration<\#213>s efforts to curtail affirmative action. The chief executive officers (CEOs) of Time and Pillsbury publicly stated that they would retain their affirmative action programs even if the government did not require them to do so. In the 1980s, the Supreme Court continued to issue confusing and sometimes contradictory opinions about affirmative action. In Local 28, Sheet Metal Workers<\#213> International Association v. EEOC, in 1986, for example, the court approved a court-ordered hiring goal for another union of 29 percent nonwhite members, again based on the share of nonwhites in the local labor pool. In 1987, the Supreme Court decided in the case of United States v. Paradise that the Alabama Department of Public Safety had systematically excluded blacks from employment as state troopers throughout its history, flouting several court orders and failing to keep commitments it repeatedly made in court. The Court approved the quota as meeting the compelling interest test, ruling that the plan was needed to remedy persistent discrimination in hiring and promotion, and that no other remedy would work. That same year, the Supreme Court ruled in Johnson v. Transportation Agency of Santa Clara Cou contractors, who as of 1968 were required to set goals and timetables under a regulation issued to implement Johnson<\#213>s executive order. However, under pressure from unions and the General Accounting Office, which found the process too vague, the OFCC disc<\#238><\#238><\#238><\#238><\#238><\#238><\#237><\#237><\#237><\#237><\#237><\#237><\#236><\#236><\#236><\#236><\#236><\#236><\#235><\#235><\#235><\#235><\#235><\#235><\#234><\#234><\#234><\#234><\#234><\#234><\#233><\#233><\#233><\#233><\#233><\#233><\#232><\#232><\#232><\#232><\#232><\#232><\#231><\#231><\#231><\#231><\#231><\#231><\#230><\#230><\#230><\#230><\#230><\#230><\#229><\#229><\#229><\#229><\#229><\#229><\#228><\#228><\#228><\#228><\#228><\#228><\#227><\#227><\#227><\#227><\#227><\#227><\#226><\#226><\#226><\#226><\#226><\#226><\#225><\#225><\#225><\#225><\#225><\#225><\#224><\#224><\#224><\#224><\#224><\#224> <\#223><\#223><\#223><\#223><\#223><\#223>!<\#222><\#222><\#222><\#222><\#222><\#222>"<\#221><\#221><\#221><\#221><\#221><\#221>#<\#220><\#220><\#220><\#220><\#220><\#220>$<\#219><\#219><\#219><\#219><\#219><\#219>%<\#218><\#218><\#218><\#218><\#218><\#218>&<\#217><\#217><\#217><\#217><\#217><\#217>'<\#216><\#216><\#216><\#216><\#216><\#216>(<\#215><\#215><\#215><\#215><\#215><\#215>)<\#214><\#214><\#214><\#214><\#214><\#214>*<\#213><\#213><\#213><\#213><\#213><\#213>+<\#212><\#212><\#212><\#212><\#212><\#212>,<\#211><\#211><\#211><\#211><\#211><\#211>-<\#210><\#210><\#210><\#210><\#210><\#210>.<\#209><\#209><\#209><\#209><\#209><\#209>/<\#208><\#208><\#208><\#208><\#208><\#208>0<\#207><\#207><\#255><\#255><\#254>7from continuing to discriminate against blacks in the hiring of state troopers. The court found that <\#210>in the thirty-seven year hi<\#203><\#142><\#208><\#171><\#144>CD<\#203><\#143><\#176>2~"j2~<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255> <\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>"j2~EDT d decisions. The Court had begun to show more leniency toward employers; minorities and women who might have won their discrimination cases prior to 1989 increasingly found themselves on the losing side. After much opposition and discussion, Congress finallurt established a 29 percent membership goal, reflecting the percentage of minorities in the relevant labor pool. The Supreme Court affirmed the order. <\#165> Prior to 1974, Kaiser Aluminum hired only persons with prior craft experience as craft workers at itsxon Administration ... since September of 1969, recognized that goals and timetables... are a proper means for helping to implement the nation<\#213>s commitment to equal employment opportunity.<\#211> The memorandum stressed that strict quotas are unacceptable bhich deals with Federal Communications Commission (FCC) policies established to enhance minority ownership and management of radio and television stations. Writing for the majority of five, Justice William Brennan declared that when the purpose of an affirmative action program is benign, the courts should inspect it less closely. In a compromise, the Court employed the intermediate level of scrutiny they had first proposed in Bakke, as opposed to either a strict or deferential measure. In terms of evidence, the Court relied upon a conclusion of the FCC that there was <\#210>an empirical nexus<\#211> between minority ownership and greater diversity rather than requiring proof of discrimination in every case or accepting a general assertion of a benefit to society. In sustaining the program, the Court found that the program was launched after long study, was aimed directly at well-documented barriers to minority control, and was limited in its extent and duration by the requirement that the program be reassessed before it ceiving federal funds to establish affirmative action goals for hiring female and minority faculty members. Under President Nixon<\#213>s tenure, universities also came under affirmative action scrutiny. Columbia University, for example, submitted three differenmerica, but that meet high standards of excellence, and that<\#213>s what I<\#213>ll do<\#211> (Lawrence and Matsuda, 1997, p. 176). After his election, Clinton appointed the most diverse cabinet to date<\#209>three women, four African Americans, and two Hispanic Americans. Clinton also appointed a federal commission to study the issue of affirmative action. In 1995 the commission issued what has come to be known as the Glass Ceiling Report, claiming that <\#210>White men, while constituting about 43 percent of the workforce, hold about 95 percent of senior management positions.<\#211> Although the diverse 20-member commission included ten Republicans and ten Democrats in the fields of law and labor, and its chair, Secretary of Labor Robert Reich, hailed the report as a <\#210>step toward bipartisanship,<\#211> the report appeared just in time to have an impact on the 1996 elections, causing affirmative action to emerge as one of the most important <\#210>wedge<\#211> issues<\#209>a controversial issue on which the two parties are separated by their opposing views. In 1995,t affirmative action plans before obtaining the $13 million in federal funding that had been taken away because of the school<\#213>s hiring policies regarding women and minorities. The 1978 Regents of the University of California v. Allan Bakke case set the por the first time, the Supreme Court held that all government affirmative action programs<\#209>whether federal, state, or local<\#209>must meet the most exacting standard of analysis under the U.S. Constitution. The <\#210>strict scrutiny<\#211> test means that any race-conscious program must <\#210>promote a compelling state interest<\#211> and be <\#210>necessary<\#211> or <\#210>narrowly tailored<\#211> to reach that end. Because the Court expanded the application of that standard in Adarand, experts assume that fewer forms of affirmative action will be judged constitutional. On July 19, 1995, President Clinton, partially in response to Adarand, gave a major speech in support of affirmative action. <\#210>Mend it, don<\#213>t end it,<\#211> the president declared, with an emphasis on reforms implied by the <\#210>mend.<\#211> He also called for a government-wide review of federal programs in light of the rulings, as an extension of an ongoing inquiry about the rights and wrongs of affirmative action. Clinton<\#213>s promised government-wide review of federal programs turned out to be a limited efforhiring policies regarding women and minorities. The 1978 Regents of the University of California v. Allan Bakke case set the par<\#217>3 g`<\#142>p)@<\#217><\#203>`<\#178><\#172> fp)@ `p)@ / Hx<\#132>Hl^N<\#173>B)|<\#203><\#204>HxZHl<\#140>N<\#173>O<\#239>`\p)@vr<\#178><\#172> fp)@ `p)@ / Hx<\#132>Hl^Nthe U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit struck down an affirmative action program at the University of Texas School of Law in Hopwood v. State of Texas. The majority opinion held that Justice Powell<\#213>s holding in Bakke<\#209>that securing the benefits of a diverse student body was a compelling interest for a public university<\#209>was no longer good law. The Supreme Court chose not to review the case. In response to Hopwood, the U.S. Department of Education issued guidelines advising that Bakke still holds, but that colleges and universities in the states that make up the Fifth Circuit<\#209>Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas<\#209>must follow Hopwood. For schools in Louisiana and Mississippi, which operate under desegregation decrees by federal courts that remain good law, Hopwood was not strictly binding. For public schools in Texas, however, it was now illegal to consider race as a factor; for private schools the law was unsettled. Since this ruling, Texas political leaders have proposed an alternative plan to address the underrepresentation of women and people of color. The new plan gives entry to Texas universities all students in the top 10 percent of their Texas high school. Ward Connerly, a conservative black activist and University of California regent appointee of former California governor Pete Wilson, led a drive in the 1996 elections in California to end affirmative action in employment, hiring, and contracting. After much public debate, California voters passed Proposition 209, ending state affirmative action programs. In December 1996, a court in northern California entered a preliminary injunction that barred enforcement of the referendum until the case was tried on its merits. After appeal, a three-judge panel lifted the Proposition 209 injunction and declared the referendum constitutional. The matter may not be decided until<\#209>or if<\#209>it reaches the Supreme Court (the Court may decide not to hear the issue). In the same year, as another controversial case headed to the Supreme Court, a coalition of civil rights groups raised money to settle the Piscataway case (Board of Education of the Township of Piscataway v. Sharon Taxman), which centered on allegations of a white secondary school teacher that she was laid off because of reverse discrimination. The groups felt that the case would create an unfavorable precedent on the issue of affirmative action. In early 1998, voters in the city of Houston defeated an antiaffirmative action referendum; in November 1998, voters in the state of Washington passed an antiaffirmative t minority status could be used as a factor in admission. The desire to obtain a <\#210>diverse<\#211> student body was found to be a compee<\#171>0L<\#172><\#188><\#188><\#244>  <\#192>]<\#157><\#216><\#170>I<\#170>J<\#160><\#170><\#188><\#244> <\#170>J <\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>p<\#188><\#246>` <\#144>]<\#157><\#216><\#188><\#244> decision makers may believe they are focusing on merit while using biased methods. One researcher who has supported this view is psychologist Faye Crosby, who created fictitious information about male and female managers, all working for the same company. The records contained a mixture of ratings on different areas of efficiency and experience, making sure they equaled out for male and female; the men were given higher salaries by the experiment participants. The complex and interesting experiments produced a predictable result: people see what they want to see. The reviewers participating in the experiment constructed many other reasons for the differences in salary other than discrimination. The majority refused to identify or believe that prejudice was a factor (Bergmann 1996, 73). Other researchers have found that African Americans and women receive worse offers in the marketplace for cars and other high-ticket items, even when they have been trained in and use the same negotiating methods as the white males in the same group. In addition, evidence of continuing discrimination is offered by many young African Americans who say they still have trouble finding employment, and some statistics support this view. According to the Urban Institute, 53 percent of black men ages 25 to 34 are either unemployed or earn too little to lift a family of four out of poverty (Guernsey 1997, 32). Some experts, such as Ann Morrison, author of the book Breaking the Glass Ceiling, warn that if the government abandons affirmative action, women will also continue to suffer. <\#210>[Companies] are going to shove it on the back burner, because it<\#213>s difficult and it<\#213>s draining. The progress that has been made is still so fragile<\#211> (Guernsey 1997, 39). Experts rely upon conflicting statistnty that in order to correct <\#210>a manifest imbalance in traditionally segregated job categories,<\#211> a woman was entitled to a job diispatching road crews in California, making it clear that affirmative action plans should take into account the gender of undertic: <\#210>The successes of integration and affirmative action created a substantial black middle class: there are now four times as many black families with incomes above $50,000 a year as there were in 1964<\#211> (Hertzberg and Gates 1996, p. 56). But the authors go on to point out that the same programs that have lifted the income of middle- and upper-income blacks <\#210>have contributed to a distillation of ever more concentrated pools of poverty and despair in the inner cities.<\#211> Other experts counter with the argument that affirmative action programs were never meant to solve all of the problems of race and poverty in this country. Even if such efforts have mostly benefited the middle or upper classes, the proponents suggest, that is no reason to abandon affirmative action; it simply shows that we need additional efforts to address other and deeper issues of poverty and discrimination. Surveys of popular attitudes reveal additional discouraging results. USA Weekend surveyed 250,000 students in grades 6 to 12 from all over the country. When asked if people their age held some racial prejudice, 84 percent of the teenagers answered <\#210>yes.<\#211> When asked if they believed that racial tensions will always exist, 86 percent said <\#210>yes.<\#211> As one 15-year-old African American put it, <\#210>I feel accepted by my peers, but some people tell me it<\#213>s because I <\#212>act white.<\#213> What does that mean?<\#211> Many black students expressed their opinion that prejudice and discrimination haven<\#213>t changed in the past 30 years (Guernsey 1997, 56). Other writers, such as Bob Herbert, a columnist for the New York Times, point to a recent report from the Southern Poverty Law Center, an Alabama-based organization that tracks hate crimes and hate groups across the country as evidence of the intractability of prejudice any passed the Civil Rights Act of 1991. Although Bush initially opposed the act, after the turmoil in the country over racial and gender issues sparked by the appointment of Clarence Thomas to the Supreme Court and the sexual harassment accusations against Thomas by Anita Hill, Bush decided that he needed to prove to the American people that he was not racist or sexist. He signed the Civil Rights Act of 1991. The same year, the Supreme Court decided the important case of Metro Broadcasting, Inc., v. FCC, w wcould be renewed. In the final debate of the 1992 campaign, Democratic presidential candidate Bill Clinton declared, <\#210>I don<\#213>t think we<\#213>ve got a person to waste. I owe the American people a White House staff, a cabinet, and appointments that look like Ake Aecause they wanted to <\#210>go out and shoot black folks.<\#211> She was chosen because the men thought she was biracial; in fact, she was white. In San Diego, California, a black Marine was paralyzed from the neck down after being attacked by a group of whites <\#210>armed with brass knuckles and chanting <\#212>white power.<\#213><\#211> Morris Dees, the chief trial counsel of the Southern Poverty Law Center, said he is surprised by what appears to be the increasing frequency and viciousness of such attacks. They are being committed by whites and blacks, he said, fueled by the growing number of organized hate groups and the proliferation of Internet sites devoted to racism, anti-Semitism, homophobia, and other forms of intolerance. In workplaces, additional debates prevail. For example, affirmative action supporters point out that if white males really are falling victim to reverse discrimination, why is there still double-digit unemployment in the African American community but not in the white community? Why do women continue to be in the minority in senior management, and why do women who make it to the top earn one-third less than male executives with the same job? In light of this evidence of continuing discrimination, supporters claim it is too soon to argue that the country is ready for color-blind and gender-blind social policies. Economist Barbara Bergmann, for example, rebuts the argument about the sense of grievance white males feel by pointing out that they still enjoy the highly favored position they had in the labor market in 1964, the year employment discrimination by race and sex was made illegal. In 1994, among those working full time, pay for white males was 49 percent higher than pay for other labor force participants. Differences in skill levels account for some, not all, of this pay difference. Segregation on the job by race and sex remains a common pattern. Opening access for all to the highest-paying and most prestigious jobs that are now the preserves of white males would take a far more rigorous application of affirmative action techniques than has yet occurred. It would take the introduction of vigorous affirmative action programs into the many workplaces where they have been absent or ignored, Bergmann asserts (Bergmann 1996, 27). Supporters of affirmative action also a the Supreme Court decided on the case of Adarand Constructors, Inc., v. Pena, which considered a government program that offered some contractors an incentive to grant subcontracts to small businesses owned by members of underrepresented minority groups. multicultural world and that the best way to do so is to include a representative number of minorities and women in faculty, staff, and students. Additionally, as the population of people of color in the United States increases, supporters believe affirmative action ensures that traditionally underserved communities receive equal access to jobs, education, and business contracts. Even some who oppose affirmative action see reasons to support programs that enhance diversity. They want schools and work to reflect the diversity among American citizens, but they believe affirmative action laws or policies are unnecessary. Business leaders are realizing that the workers and consumers of American products and markets abroad are increasingly nonwhite. For example, the Hispanic rate had fallen to 49 percent. The 1980s: Backlash against Affirmative Action Ronald Reagan was elected president in 1984, setting the stage for a counterrevolution of the 1980s. As a conservative Republican candidate and former Camer Ca Cauld change.<\#211> The CEOs of major companies in a poll conducted by Fortune magazine agreed: 96 percent insist that their companies would not change their affirmative action efforts even if all federal enforcement were abolished (Guernsey 1997, 23). Are There Other Remedies? Critics of affirmative action say there are other remedies that will help address the issues without creating new problems. They suggest, for example, that we should simply better enforce the current civil rights laws. Proponents respond that we need to do that also, but that the expense and time necessary to spur agency enforcement of those laws is not possible in the current political climate, particularly when many antiaffirmative action activists had supported past funding costs of enforcement agencies. Similarly, a popularly suggested alternative is to select people based upon class, rather than race, gender, or ethnicity. Proponents of this solution suggest that it is fundamentally unfair to grant a preference to a woman or a person of color if they have never suffered any economic discrimination or hardship. Opponents of this proposal counter by stating that low-income whites have not and do not suffer from racial prejudice. Authors William Bowen and Derek Bok point to the surprise of one strong supporter of Proposition 209<\#209>John Yoo, an acting professor at Boalt Hall, the Berkeley law school. He has been quoted as saying, <\#210>I had never looked to see what the effect of 209 would be on admissions. I didn<\#213>t realize the score gaps were so hugrovide equal employment opportunity in these seven trades. (Lawrence and Matsuda 1997, 49) President Nixon later remembered, <\#210>A good job is as basic and important a civil right as a good education.... I felt that the plan Shultz devised, which would rdn<\#213>t realize until Proposition 209 went into effect that affirmative action, as it was applied by the schools, allowed you to have some racial diversity and at the same time to maintain intellectual standards for the majority of your institutions. It was a form of limiting the damage. Now that you have to have race-neutral methods, if you still want to get African-Americans and Hispanics in, you have to redefine the central mission of the research university in a way that lowers standards for everybody. Tha good job is as basic and important a civil right as a good education.... I felt that the plan Shultz devised, which would reqt<\#201>+;sEUs^ns<\#202><\#247>0 <\#9>P]<\#157><\#202><\#243><\#224><\#202><\#248> <\#9>0]<\#157><\#246>Jp<\#202><\#243><\#224>should preserve affirmative action because <\#210>If affirmative action is ended, inevitable political, economic, and legal forces will pressure the great public universities to lower admission standards as far as necessary to avoid resegregation<\#211> (Bowen and Bokt<\#213>s an unintended consequence of Proposition 209, and it<\#213>s unfortunate. (Bowen and Bok 1998, 228) Similar situations have been advanced by three University of Texas law professors in a brief filed in the Piscataway case in which they argued that the Courtnto education or workplace situations where they are doomed to fail or are labeled as affirmative action candidates. In his highly personal book Confessions of an Affirmative Action Baby, Stephen Carter honestly examines his own anger when he learned that Harvard offered him a law school slot<\#209>after initially rejecting him<\#209>only after the school learned that he was an African American. Opponents argue that the policy undermines respect for its intended beneficiaries because they may be stigmatized by the common assumption that they did not make it on their own, and Carter<\#209>who admits his own ambivalence in his book<\#209>suggests that he is forced to live in a world where people assume that he received his positions because of his race. Others, most notably William Bowen and Derek Bok (former university presidents at Princeton and Harvard, respectively) in their 1998 book The Shape of the River, have examined the long-term effect of affirmative action admissions on prestigious colleges and found that by measures of career success, community involvement, and personal satisfaction, the intended beneficiaries gained rather than lost, as did the broader community, because of their admissions to these universities. Shelby Steele, a conservative African American author, has F<\#199><\#128>:<\#208><\#199><\#208><\#255><\#192><\#255><\#255><\#128><\#192> <\#198><\#251><\#192>"<\#192>B<\#192><\#254><\#192><\#128><\#192><\#128><\#192><\#128><\#192><\#128><\#192><\#128><\#192><\#128><\#192><\#128><\#192><\#128><\#192><\#128><\#192><\#128><\#192><\#128><\#192><\#128><\#192><\#128><\#199> :p<\#201>V@ <\#199> <\#199>0:P<\#201>V@<\#199>`8<\#240><\#201>V@<\#211><\#134><\#224><\#219>v<\#199><\#160><\#236><\#219>v<\#235><\#134><\#248><\#219>v<\#247><\#134><\#219>v<\#134><\#199><\#176>8<\#176><\#201>V@<\#134>(<\#219>v'<\#134><\#199><\#128>3<\#134>@<\#219>v?<\#134>ce them that they were oppressed, having taken part in the civil rights movements of the 1950s and 1960s. Some critics of affirmative action respond by pointing to the University of California at Berkeley, often touted as a model of affirmative action because it has long recruited a higher percentage of diverse students than most other prestigious colleges. According to author Dinesh D<\#213>Souza, a former editor of the conservative Dartmouth Review newspaper, the results have been a failure. He claims that only 22 percent of Hispanics and 18 percent of blacks admitted through affirmative action programs graduated in 1987. For those black and Hispanic students not admitted through affirmative action programs, however, he claims the graduation rate was 42 percent and 55 percent respectively (D<\#213>Souza 1991, 253). Writer Viet D. Dinh also opposes affirmative action and claims that the push to admit other minorities has closed many doors for Asian American students and created serious tension among the races at Berkeley. He cites vandalism of the African Student Center and graffiti on bathroom walls saying <\#210>Nip go home<\#211> as evidence of this tension. He decries limiting Asians in affirmative action programs: <\#210>Asian Americans have as valid a claim of racial victimization as other minorities. Just as Africans were brought to America as slaves, Chinese were dragged here as indentured laborers.<\#211> He also points out that they were forced to work in inhuman conditions to build the railroads and were interred during World War II (t. When a portion of the report was released in 1996 and roused only passing interest, the administration considered itself victorious. The controversy over affirmative action temporarily died down. Late the same year, the controversy heated up again when tially decided that setting aside a specific number of places in the absence of proof of past discrimination was illegal, but that minority status could be used as a factor in admission. The desire to obtain a <\#210>diverse<\#211> student body was found to be a comaction initiative. All of these efforts affect state and local affirmative action laws rather than federal laws or orders. Do We Still Have Prejudice and Discrimination? In deciding which candidate should be hired, promoted, or paid more, even well-meaning1n B(<\#208><\#228>B<\#168>p<\#160>` @<\#255><\#206>f<\#160>"n2<\#168>=@N^ _O<\#239> N<\#208>NV<\#255><\#206> O1n<\#160>=@ N^ _T<\#143>N<\#208>Q<\#193>`P<\#193>NV<\#255><\#206> O!n 1n"n !Q$Bh,B<\#168>.Jf<\#160>`<\#160>=@"n "<\#168>(N^"_O<\#239> N<\#209>NV<\#255><\#176> O!n1nB(<\#160>fBh<\#160> fC<\#232> "<\#238>"<\#174> <\#160> =@N^"_O<\#239>N<\#209>NV<\#255><\#206> O!n 1nB(<\#160><\#9>=@N^"_\<\#143>N<\#209>NV<\#255><\#206> Oare no easy answers to the question of affirmative action. Almost everyone would agree that in a perfect world, race would be irrelevant. As authors Bowen and Bok quote a black friend, <\#210>Our ultimate objective should be a situation in which every individual, from every background, feels unselfconsciously included<\#211> (Bowen and Bok 1998, 289). Although proponents of affirmative action frequently cite Supreme Court Justice Harry Blackmun<\#213>s proposition that <\#210>To get beyond racism, we must first take account of race,<\#211> they would still be glad to embrace a time when that is not necessary. Yet they caution that trying to arbitrarily limit mandated solutions to the issue fails to address how deep and divisive the issues of race are in America. Part of the problem in resolving the issue is that so much of the current debate relies on anecdotes, biases, and assumptions about <\#210>facts<\#211> or on unapologetic opinions or politics. It is easy, too, for those who have benefited from affirmative action to be offended by what they may regard as unjustified assaults on their competence or character. Some of the critics of affirmative action also feel defensive, sensing that they are unjustly dismissed as racist, sexist, or heartless. This book, then, serves as a chance for the reader to step back from the uninformed rhetoric and think carefully about the record, the facts, and the history behind the debate. It is hoped that you may make an educated and enlightened decision about your own stance on the issue of affirmative action. References Bergmann, Barbara R. 1996. In Defense of Affirmative Action. New York: Basic Books. Bernhardt, David S. 1993 <\#210>Affirmative Action in Employment: Considering Group Interests while Protecting Individual Rights.<\#211> Stetson Law Review 23, 11: 34. Bowen, William G., and Derek Bok. 1998. The Shape of the River: Long-term Consequences of Considering Race in College and University Admissions. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. D<\#213>Souza, Dinesh. 1991. Illiberal Education: The Politics of Race and Sex on Cics. In a 1996 special issue of The New Yorker, <\#210>Black in America,<\#211> authors Hendrik Hertzberg and Henry Louis Gates, Jr. point to the achievements of many African Americans, including those in artistic and cultural endeavors, and offer an encouraging statis@<\#248>`B<\#172><\#248> l<\#212>"g|B.<\#255><\#255>J,<\#252>g@J<\#172><\#248>g"/,<\#248> n<\#253><\#170> PHhN<\#186>**P<\#143>JW<\#192>D@<\#255><\#254>`<\#142> l<\#138> PJhLgp`p@<\#255><\#254>`t?,<\#136> l> h"/N<\#186>'z\<\#143>/ n<\#253><\#170> PHhN<\#186>)<\#222>P<\#143>JW<\#192>D@<\#255><\#254>`B|<\#255><\#255>J<\#172><\#248>g /,<\#248> n<\#253><\#170> PHhN<\#186>)<\#178>P<\#143>JW<\#192>D@<\#255><\#254>` l<\#138> PJhLgp`p@<\#255><\#254>J.<\#255><\#254>g|J.<\#255><\#255>g l>1|* l>!n<\#253><\#170>&`<\#248> n<\#253><\#170><\#160>) n<\#253><\#170>d hate. The report details horrible examples of crimes that occurred in 1998. The writers recount the widely reported death in Jasper, Texas, of James Byrd, Jr., a 49-year-old black man who was chained to a pickup truck and dragged along a country road untction.<\#211> New York: Houghton-Mifflin Company. Schuldinger, Henry. 1996. <\#210>Still Searching for the Limits of the Permissible Use of Affirmative Action: United States v. Board of Education of the Township of Piscataway.<\#211> George Mason University Civil Rights Law Journal 6, 97, p. 133. Affirmative Action; Intro; 5/7/99 <\#9>CH1.DOC20 <\#193>3<\#144><\#171><\#224>C<\#212><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>'#<\#160><\#210> <\#160><\#181>d(<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255> <\#224><\#142>')<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255> <\#223><\#142>'+<\#255><\#255> and pushed for an end to other forms of discrimination. Executive Orders: Contracting and Employment The longest standing federal affirmative action program has its roots in World War II. An executive order barring discrimination in the federal government<\#202><\#168>@<\#202><\#169><\#192><\#202><\#170><\#128><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>km<\#202><\#166>`<\#202><\#169>@<\#160><\#202><\#170><\#128><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#202><\#166>`<\#202><\#169>`<\#128><\#202><\#170><\#128><\#255><\#255><\#202><\#166>`<\#202><\#169><\#128><\#171>PCPHH<\#160><\#167>0<\#202><\#169><\#171>0<\#160><\#172><\#160><\#176><\#170><\#246>(<\#170><\#248>x<\#255><\#255>^=T<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>bor Arthur Fletcher said: Equal employment opportunity in these [construction trades] in the Philadelphia area is still far from a reality. The unions in these trades still have only about 1.6 percent minority group membership and they continue to engage i<\#164><\#160><\#138>*<\#202><\#201><\#202><\#206>P 2<\#224>]<\#157><\#202><\#205><\#176> 2<\#208><\#202><\#201><\#202><\#202>`<\#202><\#206><\#128> 2<\#176>]<\#157><\#202><\#206><\#128><\#192><\#202><\#202>`@<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>Lead<\#202><\#166>`cicn($<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255> <\#184>After:"<\#236>2f<\#136>Character Co<\#202><\#206><\#176>P<\#203>% <\#128> <\#202><\#166>`HH<\#160><\#173>sper, Texas, of James Byrd, Jr., a 49-year-old black man who was chained to a pickup truck and dragged along a country road until<\#252><\#232><\#255><\#252><\#233><\#255><\#253><\#233><\#211>U0<\#9><\#9><\#203><\#211><\#211>U0<\#211>X<\#192><\#211>]<\#193><\#194><\#255>U=<\#211>U0=><\#255><\#138>@<\#211><\#255> @A<\#255>A<\#211><\#255><\#240>@<\#255>0<\#240><\#241><\#255>1<\#241>@<\#255>=@<\#255><\#150>Robert M. Teeter, a Republican pollster who is a member of the board of United Parcel Service, suggested that <\#210>Diversity isn<\#213>t a slogan<\#209>it<\#213>s a reality when you<\#213>re hiring people everywhere. . . . You could abolish affirmative action tomorrow and not much wo jobs with the proviso that 50 percent of new trainees were to be black until the percentage of black craft workers in the plant matched the percentage of blacks in the local labor pool. The Supreme Court held this program to be lawful. <\#165> On March 23, 197 Court-ordered affirmative action to remedy violations of Title VII developed on a parallel track with the executive order program as another remedial effort to stop existing discrimination and prevent its recurrence. The Supreme Court<\#213>s most comprehensive<\#164><\#160><\#138>*<\#204>E <\#204>J`<\#182><\#208>]<\#157><\#204>I<\#192><\#182><\#192><\#204>E <\#204>Fp<\#204>J<\#144><\#182><\#160>]<\#157><\#255><\#179>X8<\#255><\#208><\#204>Fp<\#255><\#209>Y8<\#255><\#218><\#194>8<\#255><\#255><\#208>Y<\#209>Y<\#209>8<\#204>E<\#144><\#187>p]<\#157>g<\#195>g<\#207>w<\#195><\#204>D<\#128>text$<\#204>E<\#224><\#187>0]<\#157>A<\#192><\#210><\#204>D<\#128><\#204>E<\#160>P<\#204>H@<\#148>`z<\#171><\#204>A<\#144>l as for enforcement of laws against sexual harassment. The 1990s: A New Act, a New President,and New Cases and More Bnd More B for enforcement of laws against sexual harassment. The 1990s: A New Civil Rights Act, a New President, New Cases, and More B In 1990 and 1991, civil rights groups regained some of their earlier power and pressured the administration of President George Bush to support additional legislation. In 1990 a new civil rights act was proposed in reaction to several Supreme Courte Courtspatching road crews in California, making it clear that affirmative action plans should take into account the gender of underrepresented workers as well as their race. Meanwhile, feminist activists pushed for approval of the Equal Rights Amendment as wel his body was literally torn apart. After Byrd<\#213>s convicted murderer, James King, was sentenced to death, he grinned and uttered a sexual obscenity. In 1997 in downtown Denver<\#209>a city where race relations have been less acrimonious<\#209>Oumar Dia, an African immigrant, was murdered while waiting for a bus by members of a racist <\#210>skinheads<\#211> gang. In addition, the Law Center report told of a dark-haired woman, Amy Robinson, who was abducted in Texas and murdered by two white men who used her for target practice b bbrgue that the policy has become essential to our future since it is projected that, by the year 2000, two out of three new workerrkerrl be either women or members of minority groups. Some educators also argue that they need to prepare students for work in <\#164><\#160><\#138>*<\#209><\#192><\#176><\#209><\#197><\#192><\#135><\#128><\#211>W`$<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>D<\#209><\#192><\#176><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>(&<\#184><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>(<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#144><\#218><\#219><\#227><\#221>k<\#223><\#224><\#225><\#226>lm<\#228><\#229><\#230><\#231><\#232><\#233><\#234><\#235><\#236><\#237>v<\#9> ress. Journalists are supposed to be able to write freely on topics, no matter how sensitive they might be. Yet media watchdog groups have established a number of factors that they believe conIntroduction<\#167> NuevaMM_580 wt 750 wdO Futura BookObliqueO Futura ObliqueOPTICopperplateOptimaOPTIStymie-BoldCondensedPalatinoParisianPerpetuaPerpetua Bd ExpPerpetua Bd It ExpPerpetua Bd It OsFPer<\#199><\#9>news reporting. Since corporations have an obligation to their stockholders to increase profits, media critics fear that corporate ownership of the press will stimulate a quest for profit thats will be either women or members of minority groups. Some educators also argue that they need to prepare students for work in a <\#252>H<\#231>0&n.. J,8g" gT<\#139>0`p<\#255>6J<\#135>gT<\#135> G0`p<\#254>=@<\#255><\#254>`, g / N<\#186><\#255><\#132>T<\#139>X<\#143>`p<\#255>6J<\#135>g GT<\#135>/N<\#186><\#255>lX<\#143>`p<\#254>=@<\#255><\#254><\#182>n<\#255><\#254>gp`tJ,8f6 G=P<\#255><\#254>T<\#139>$KT<\#135>z<\#9>  responsible journalism is economically sound journalism, and that it is cost-effective in the long run for the corporations that own media outlets to promote responsible journalism or else riIntroduction<\#197>0cicn( <\#160><\#177>tf<\#191><\#204>p<\#224><\#191><\#238>`<\#132> <\#255><\#191><\#204>pBtext$ <\#128>Ftext$<\#9> <\#128>9 <\#255><\#255>a'<\#191><\#205>@<\#191><\#238>`@ W<\#191><\#204>p;<\#200>;9<\#9>;ake in Zambia is bound to generate less press coverage than an earthquake in France. This is because the American press is interested in covering stories that affect its readers. The average A 1997, p. 228). Does Affirmative Action Harm Its Intended Beneficiaries? One of the more interesting and recently popular arguments about affirmative action has been put forth by critics who claim that the intended beneficiaries are hurt by being placed i~<\#9> e tide of public opinion and compel political action when they bring scenes and news from atrocities around the world into the living rooms of Americans. Without continuous coverage of SerbianIntroduction<\#208>IP<\#128>H;ZOHH<\#191><\#215>@ @<\#191><\#238>`@ <\#191><\#214><\#160>cicn(  <\#160><\#177><\#184> X<\#191><\#215><\#176><\#171>PL<\#182>@cicn( <\#160><\#177>tf<\#191><\#215><\#176><\#9><\#160><\#191><\#238>`HE <\#191><\#215><\#176>text<\#174><\#9>n in conflicts, particularly foreign ones. If a story is not covered, nothing may be done. One story that failed to make the news for most of the 1990s was that of slavery in the African natioargued that the program<\#213>s very existence encourages blacks to believe whites have victimized them and has led to an increase in black anti-Semitism. Yet proponents, such as economist Bergmann, point out that blacks did not need affirmative action to convi<\#130><\#9> ave kidnapped children and forced them to serve as blood banks and human shields for their army. Girls and women have been kidnapped for use as concubines. The goal of the northern Sudanese isIntroduction<\#218><\#176><\#191><\#202>p<\#171>PC @<\#203>@cicn( <\#160><\#177>tf<\#191><\#202>p<\#192><\#191><\#238>`D( <\#255><\#215><\#191><\#202>ptext,( <\#130>No Style<\#207><\#208><\#255><\#231><\#208><\#200><\#255><\#253><\#255><\#254><\#191><\#226><\#144>P<\#191><\#238>`@ <\#202><\#128><\#191><\#202>ptext<\#176><\#9>l of which have been vocal about other forms of racial discrimination in Africa, such as apartheid<\#209>were perceived as being silent on the issue of slavery in Sudan. The American Anti-Slavery Grn<\#164><\#184>Z<\#200><\#206><\#128><\#206><\#209><\#160>0`]H& l:0H<\#129><\#206><\#128><\#255><\#170><\#210><\#192><\#210><\#192>3A>"L<\#210><\#192><\#210><\#192>3A6"LH<\#192><\#231><\#136><\#211><\#192>HiN"L0.<\#255><\#170><\#210><\#192><\#210><\#192>?)6"L<\#210><\#192><\#210><\#192>?)&N<\#186><\#174>P<\#143>Rn<\#255><\#170> n<\#255><\#170>m<\#130>Jl&f/< ln h<\#146>/ ln h<\#212>N<\#144>P<\#143>9| 9l0<<\#203><\#193><\#236>0@)H <\#161>)H ,<\#161>)H<\#254>HlB<\#167>/<<\#203><\#251><\#168><\#167>)l)lB<\#167>/<\#160>-_<\#254><\#166>B<\#167><\#168><\#216> )@/<\#134><\#9> fter the situation in Sudan was publicized, the United States imposed economic sanctions on Sudan for its human rights violations. Why did the problems in Sudan remain untold in the U.S. pressIntroduction<\#229>`<\#191><\#236><\#192><\#191><\#238><\#240><\#170>P<\#216><\#170>A <\#249><\#191><\#233>P]<\#175><\#148><\#160><\#175><\#204><\#160><\#218>`iRight Arrow Contaloa<\#191><\#236><\#240><\#192><\#191><\#238><\#240><\#170><\#166>l<\#160><\#208><\#220>+<\#128><\#191><\#236> <\#191><\#237>@<\#144><\#191><\#238><\#240>@<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>]<\#159> <\#255><\#255><\#191><\#236> 7 pt9 pt10 pt12 pt14 pt18 pt24 pt36 pt4<\#177><\#9>d to divide black Muslims from their Islamic counterparts abroad. When Mohammed Athie of the International Coalition Against Chattel Slavery asked to speak about the crisis of slavery in Africe.<\#211> Other, less direct, effects also surprised Yoo: What I didn<\#213>t realize was how entrenched the desire to have racial diversity for its own sake was in the university system, and how much pressure was going to be asserted to preserve that goal. . . . I di<\#138><\#9> the press covered the story, and the power of the news media was demonstrated when, along with a letter-writing campaign sponsored by AASG, that coverage helped prompt Occidental Petroleum to Introduction<\#135><\#240>.<\#184>`p0<\#128>'<\#184>p<\#128><\#128>#<\#128>p<\#128>#<\#192> p<\#128>!<\#192> p<\#128> <\#224>p<\#192> pp<\#178><\#9>tories. By 1997, however, 67 percent of Americans felt that the press was favoring one side or another in its coverage of stories and issues.27 Increased cynicism among readers and viewers raisified. <\#210>Of the freshmen admitted to our campus,<\#211> he writes, <\#210>95 percent continue to rank among the top 12.5 percent of the statewide high school graduates. More important . . . our academic standards are higher than ever, and each entering class is more t<\#142><\#9> Journal and the New York Times combined. Increasingly, Americans are tuning in to the Internet at the same time that they are tuning out to more traditional forms of media. As a result, the InIntroduction<\#163><\#176>x< 0<\#248><\#252>?<\#128><\#254><\#255><\#128><\#224><\#252>00<\#183>0.<\#9>0 such as how to curb children<\#213>s access to pornography and other explicit material available on-line. With the click of a button, the Internet can provide cheap, anonymous access to an astonishGuernsey 1997, 59). Chang Lin Tien, the former chancellor of the University of California at Berkeley, disagrees with Dinh<\#213>s statements about the school. First, he argues, the academic quality at Berkeley has not declined as the student population has dive<\#146><\#9> s of pornography a greater degree of privacy. As a result, many parents are concerned that their children might be able to access pornography on the Internet. At the same time, however, operatIntroduction<\#192><\#144><\#193>3<\#144><\#171><\#224>C<\#204><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>'#<\#160><\#210> <\#160><\#181>\4<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>! <\#142>'6<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>! <\#142>'8<\#255><\#255>6<\#184>64<\#9>6nications Decency Act, part of the Telecommunications Reform Act of 1996. Despite intense opposition from cyber-liberties organizations, such as the Electronic Frontier Foundation, as well as r<\#164><\#184>Z<\#205><\#205><\#224><\#206><\#129><\#160><\#128>`]H?<N<\#186><\#249><\#246>Hn<\#253><\#160><\#205><\#205><\#224> ln h<\#238>N<\#144>P<\#143>J,tf<\#140>Hn<\#252><\#220> ln hfN<\#144>X<\#143>p<\#192>.<\#252><\#249><\#230>@8`lJ,tgHn<\#254><\#160>0,<\#150>@N ??<N<\#186><\#249><\#160>`NHn<\#254><\#160>0,<\#150>@N ??<N<\#186><\#249><\#136> lnJ(<\#133>lHn<\#252><\#220> ln hRN<\#144>X<\#143>`Hn<\#252><\#220> ln hfN<\#144>X<\#143>p<\#192>.<\#252><\#249><\#230>@8 ln h<\#146>/Hn<\#254><\#160><\#169>B,H/< ln h<\#146>/ ln h<\#212>N<\#144>P<\#143>/<<\#150><\#9> gal to display any <\#210>indecent<\#211> material on a computer network unless efforts were made to restrict the network access of anyone under the age of eighteen. The CDA was an attempt to regulate porIntroduction<\#221>p<\#142>'+<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>9 <\#249><\#142>' O{O<\#180><\#193>/<\#240><\#160><\#193><\#240>@<\#173><\#160><\#173><\#164><\#193>/<\#240> <\#160><\#188><\#220> <\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255> `1<\#185>1/<\#9>1 Internet that were harsher than those enacted for other media, such as television and radio. Profanity, nudity, and explicit language and scenes were banned from the Internet under the CDA. Ialented than the last<\#211> (Guernsey 1997, p. 60). He also debunks the myth that a diverse student body doesn<\#213>t succeed, arguing that the percentage of those who graduated within five years leaped from only 50 percent during the 1940s and 1950s (when the over<\#154><\#9> obscenity charges, even though the same book in print form was protected under the First Amendment. Opponents of the CDA argued that broad restrictions like these were unnecessary, because unlIntroduction<\#250>P<\#193><\#240><\#176><\#171> <\#176>C<\#208><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>'#<\#160><\#210> <\#160><\#181>`1<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>!<\#9><\#142>'3<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255> <\#217><\#142>'<\#193><\#240><\#176><\#171><\#224>C<\#212><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>'#0<\#188>0.<\#9>0cking that in New York City, a major theater succumbs to pressure like this. . . . This is a medieval notion that the arts in the United States need to follow the Roman Catholic theological liwhelming majority of students were white) to 60 percent in the 1970s and to 70 percent in the late 1980s and 1990s. Moreover, the <\#210>graduation rate for all ethnic groups has improved significantly<\#211> (Guernsey 1997, 60). Conclusion As the reader may see, ther<\#158><\#9> ation to the public. Censorship in the News Media In 1971 excerpts from the Pentagon Papers, controversial classified documents dealing with U.S. policy in Vietnam, were published by the New Introduction0<\#194>@<\#128><\#130><\#236><\#128><\#130>BH"<\#136>H (<\#161><\#164>01<\#156><\#177>BB<\#192> d<\#203><\#130>`(tFI<\#128><\#193><\#140><\#229><\#143><\#158>\<\#156><\#176><\#9>:`P <\#229><\#193><\#138><(<\#210><\#178>JHJc<\#201>BB0@<\#201><\#144>(<\#154><\#172><\#150>@2SQ<\#162><\#201><\#163><\#200>f<\#144>p<\#142><\#167>]D8<\#148><\#162>RHz"<\#137><\#194>B@<\#136><\#147><\#144>8<\#146><\#232><\#160><\#192> <\#209>Q"H<\#162><\#136>"<\#128>P<\#132><\#189><\#201>DD<\#148><\#162>RHBb<\#138>"D<\#136>"<\#136>P<\#132><\#144>D<\#147><\#167>@<\#138>SfH<\#162><\#136><\#162><\#144>H0<\#132><\#161>IL:<\#187>:8<\#9>:stem, which upholds traditional family values, parental library rights, and respect for community standards and laws. Citizens for Excellence in Education is a coalition of Christian conservae ey 1997, 60). Conclusion As the reader may see, there n the 1970s and to 70 percent in the late 1980s and 1990s. Moreover, the <\#210>graduation rate for all ethnic groups has improved significantly<\#211> (Guensey 1997, 60). Conclusion As the reader may see, there <\#162><\#9> m<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#203> 0<\#143><\#176><\#203><\#179><\#208><\#203><\#192><\#203> P<\#143><\#144><\#203><\#179><\#208><\#203><\#224><\#203>! <\#143>p<\#203><\#179><\#208> <\#203><\#224> #i<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#159><\#186><\#188><\#136><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#159><\#185><\#156>'<\#221><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#159><\#190><\#228>#<\#136><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>Introduction5<\#160>`<\#192>?<\#255><\#224><\#255><\#128><\#224><\#248><\#252>p<\#224>p p p<<<\#240><\#128>0 p <\#224>< <\#186>  <\#9> net. More than a year after the CDA<\#213>s passage, on June 26, 1997, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled unanimously in Reno v. ACLU that the Communications Decency Act did violate the First Amendment. Tampus. New York: Free Press. Eastland, Terry. 1997. <\#210>Support Is Fading for Racial, Gender, Ethnic Preferences.<\#211> San Diego Union-Tribune, 7 July, p. 2, col. 1. Guernsey, Joann Bren. 1997. Affirmative Action: A Problem or a Remedy? Minneapolis: Lerner Public<\#166><\#9> t was hailed as a landmark victory by civil liberties groups. Executive Director of the EFF Lori Fena said, <\#210>What this means is that the responsibility for controlling our content lies on us<\#209>tIntroductionR<\#128>p<\#192> <\#255><\#192> p<\#128> <\#192>p<\#128> <\#144><\#192> p<\#128><\#128> <\#208>0<\#224>p<\#128> <\#240> <\#224>p<\#192> <\#240>`p<\#128>0p<\#224>0000000<\#253><\#234><\#255> S_<\#225><\#238><\#244><\#253><\#255><\#165><\#177><\#255><\#244><\#253><\#255><\#9><\#244><\#253><\#255> <\#165><\#177><\#255> <\#165><\#177><\#225><\#238><\#255><\#225><\#238><\#255><\#244><\#255><\#241><\#248><\#249><\#255> S_<\#165><\#188><\#255><\#225><\#238><\#241><\#248><\#249><\#255> Q_<\#162><\#188><\#222><\#239><\#240><\#234><\#255><\#255>DbbcHcTc?c@lWlal<\#167>l<\#179>l<\#249>ln<\#176>n?oao<\#165><\#176>o<\#246>oo2oTo~) )dNNd<\#229><\#229><\#230><\#230>d<\#246><\#251><\#246>d<\#196><\#251><\#196><\#252><\#197><\#252><\#197>dN Nd\<,j<\#255><\#255>EmLations Company. Guinier, Lani, and Susan Sturm. 1996. <\#210>The Future of Affirmative Action: Reclaiming the Innovative Ideal.<\#211> California Law Review 84: 953. Hertzberg, Hendrix, and Henry Louis Gates Jr. 1996. <\#210>Black in America.<\#211> New Yorker (July). Jones, James E. 1985. <\#210>The Genesis and Present Status of Affirmative Action in Employment: Economic, Legal and Political Realities.<\#211> Iowa Law Review 70: 901<\#208>903. Lawrence, Charles R. III, and Mari J. Matsuda. 1997. <\#210>We Won<\#213>t Go Back: Making the Case for Affirmative A- and gender-conscious remedies as a way to end entrenched discrimination. These <\#210>affirmative remedies<\#211> evolved into what we now call <\#210>affirmative action.<\#211> These remedies were developed after periods of experimentation had shown that other means too often eriods of experimentation had shown that other means too often failed to correct the problems. Here are some examples: <\#165> In July 1970, a federal district court enjoined the state of Alabama state troopers. The court found that <\#210>in the thirty-seven year <\#215><\#216><\#147><\#224><\#227><\#149><\#150><\#151><\#152><\#153><\#154><\#155><\#156><\#157><\#158><\#160><\#162><\#163><\#164><\#165><\#232><\#129><\#233><\#129><\#167><\#168><\#169><\#170><\#171><\#172><\#235><\#242><\#174><\#175>The Civil Rights Movement@<\#191><\#238>`D3 <\#191><\#222>text,3 <\#128> Front_Title<\#191><\#222><\#176><\#208><\#191><\#238>`@ <\#191><\#222>cicn(  <\#160><\#177><\#184> X<\#191><\#223> <\#171>PMl@cicn<\#175><\#176><\#177><\#178><\#179>ef<\#181><\#182><\#183><\#184><\#185><\#186><\#187><\#188><\#189><\#190><\#191><\#192><\#252><\#194><\#195><\#196>gh<\#198>B<\#129>E<\#129><\#200><\#201><\#202><\#203><\#255><\#255><\#254>MThe Civil Rights Movement<\#148><\#191><\#202>p<\#255><\#196><\#162><\#255><\#196><\#148><\#191><\#233>P<\#128><\#191><\#235><\#128>15p3.2540 do<\#191><\#202>p<\#191><\#233><\#128><\#171> L<\#176><\#180>X:dex 0 eq T<\#201>s<\#224><\#191><\#233><\#128><\#171> C3h20p9.427l ba<\#201>s<\#224><\#191><\#233><\#128><\#171> C <\#232>Y: 3 1 roll <\#201>s<\#224><\#191><\#233><\#128><\#171> C (16p6.8232 /t<\#201>s<\#224><\#191><\#233><\#128><\#171> L<\#173><\#208>W:mx2 curren<\#201>s<\#224><\#191><\#233><\#128><\#171> C <\#136>The Civil Rights Movement<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>The Civil Rights Movement<\#193>3<\#144><\#171><\#224>C<\#204><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>'#<\#160><\#210> <\#160><\#181>\4<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#204><\#205><\#206><\#207><\#208><\#209><\#171><\#193><\#172><\#193><\#254><\#129><\#212><\#213><\#214><\#217><\#220><\#222><\#218><\#219><\#221>k<\#223><\#225><\#226>lm<\#228><\#229><\#230><\#231> <\#129><\#129><\#234>U<\#129><\#131><\#236><\#237><\#238><\#239><\#240><\#241>;<\#247><\#243><\#244><\#245><\#246><\#247><\#248><\#249><\#250><\#251>#<\#128>pnno<\#249><\#255>+,<\#254>-<\#252><\#9> 7M  TVW !"`a$%&'()*b<\#129>i<\#129>qr<\#253>./0123456s<\#129>x<\#129>89:j<=>?@<\#255><\#255><\#254>CThe 1980s: Backlash against Affirmative Actionon Begins')<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255> <\#223><\#142>'+<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>9 <\#249><\#142>' O{O<\#180><\#193>3<\#144><\#171> `C<\#216><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>'#<\#160><\#210> <\#160>The 1990s: A New Act, a New President, and New Casesw Cases@<\#128> <\#240><\#224>p @<\#192>?<\#9>~<\#176><\#193><\#128><\#128><\#9> <\#136>@   0a(<\#161><\#164>0 <\#129><\#151>.<\#9><\#128><\#163><\#162>Do We Still Have Prejudice and Discrimination? ses  Cases<\#255><\#255><\#255>9 <\#252><\#142>'#<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>V <\#253><\#142>'$<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255>s <\#254><\#142>'&<\#255><\#255><\#255><\#255><\#144>!<\#142>'Confli<\#193><\#240><\#176><\#171><\#9>pCConclusion<\#194>FDoes Affirmative Action Harm Its Intended Beneficiaries?<\#128>p<\#192> <\#128>p<\#192> <\#255><\#192> p<\#128> <\#192>p<\#128> <\#144><\#192> p<\#128><\#128> <\#208>0<\#224>pDo We Still Have Prejudice and Discrimination?nt, New 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